A Novel More Prescient Than Fiction

In 1935, American novelist and playwright Sinclair Lewis published a novel he meant to be a cautionary tale about the rise of an authoritarian government in the United States. But when read in today's political climate, the book seems less a work of fiction than a prescient foreboding of what was to come.

The basic plot of  It Can't Happen Here involves a pompous, blustering, populist politician who gets elected president running on a platform that is anti-woman, anti-Jew, and anti-black, by making promises he can never deliver on, by accusing the news media of spreading lies, and by proclaiming only he can cure the country's ills and "make it great again." Once he takes office, he begins issuing orders that by-pass the law-making powers of Congress and the legal review of the judiciary, and strips the rights of millions of people.

What sounds like a plot torn from today's headlines was actually written 80 years before the election of Donald Trump to the White House.

Sinclair's bitingly witty story holds so many parallels to the results of the 2016 election and its aftermath as to be unnerving. Written at a time when fascist governments were popping up throughout Europe, the book was inspired by the naïve belief of Americans at the time that what was happening across the Atlantic "can't happen here."

Berzelius "Buzz" Windrip is a populist U.S. senator loosely based on the bombastic southern Senator Huey Long, whose quest for the presidency was ended by an assassin's bullet in 1935. Windrip curries the favor of Americans disgruntled over the economic blight of the Great Depression by claiming he would end unemployment, much as Trump promised to "bring jobs back" to America.

Men of Little Intellectual Curiosity

A man of little intellectual curiosity, Windrip claims his autobiography is the world's greatest book next to the Bible, the same claim made by an equally incurious Trump about his ghostwritten autobiography The Art of the Deal. Windrips' political base is a rag-tag group of agitators called The Minute Men, or MMs for short. Think of the MMs as a combination of the Tea Party radicals and Alt-Right white supremacists who helped put Trump into office.

Windrip runs for office, much as Trump did, with promises of taking power in Washington away from industrialists and bankers and giving it back to the little man. Once in power, however, Windrip begins appointing incompetent cronies to key government leadership roles.

Sound familiar? Trump, who promised to "drain the swamp" in Washington, filled his Cabinet with controversial D.C. insiders, family members, wealthy financiers, corporate CEOs, and lobbyists—most of whom were appointed to their offices without approval from Congress.

Almost immediately, Windrip by-passes Congress and begins issuing executive orders ending President Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal social programs, stripping women of the right to vote, and Jews and blacks of their civil rights. He replaces key military leaders with buffoons from the Minutemen, and abolishes all regulations on businesses.

In the first few days of his administration, Trump used executive orders to strip regulations on banks, industry, and polluters; demanded the repeal of President Obama's Affordable Care Act; ordered the mass deportation of undocumented immigrants (at least those who are non-Anglo); began caging Hispanic immigrant children, and removed the nation's top military and national security leaders from the National Security Council, replacing them with his Alt-Right strategist, Steve Bannon. Bannon, a self-professed white nationalist, didn't last long, of course, and as of this writing he is facing federal criminal charges for fraud.

To consolidate power, Windrip sends handpicked "commissioners" to assume the leadership of local governments. The move is very similar to the Nazis use of gauleiters to take control of areas of Germany. Trump hasn't done that—yet—but several Republican governors have dispatched "emergency managers" to take over local government bodies in their states. (Two such emergency managers were charged with felonies for their roles in the Flint, Michigan drinking water fiasco.)

Windrip fails to make good on any of his campaign promises save one; he ends unemployment by sending the unemployed to labor camps. Workers from labor camps are provided to companies for a small fee. This, of course, means those companies lay off regular workers who, now unemployed, are sent to labor camps.

As one of his first acts, Trump rescinded President Obama's executive order to withdraw federal prisoners from privately operated prisons, which have been criticized for bolstering their profits by outsourcing inmates as prison laborers.

Building Walls to Keep Us In

Windrip fulfills one of Trump's campaign promises when he strengthens border security to prevent illegal immigration out of the United States into Canada and Mexico. Walls, after all, keep people in as well as out. Trump has not succeeded in building his promised border wall, but his incompetence during the Covid-19 crisis forced the bulk of Europe to ban U.S. travelers from visiting their countries—essentially building a wall to keep us in. The only wall Trump succeeded in building so far is an "unscalable" wall around the White House grounds.

Eventually, as Windrip consolidates his power, he does away with all political parties except the new Corporatist Party, whose members are called Corpos. The country is now ruled by and for corporations and wealthy oligarchs, the very definition of fascism as defined by the father of fascism, Italy's Il Duce, Benito Mussolini.

Trump stuffed his Cabinet with wealthy and mostly incompetent corporate donors. His economic policies have benefited major corporations at the expense of American workers. His trade war with China did nothing to hurt that country while devastating a large part of the American agricultural sector. Even before the pandemic, Trump's job numbers were plunging despite burgeoning corporate profits.

Lewis narrates his story through the disbelieving eyes of Doremus Jessup, a middle-aged newspaperman who cannot believe his fellow citizens don't see the slow creep of growing totalitarianism in the country. When MMs begin to terrorize the citizenry, people assume they are just a small minority of rabble-rousers. Even when Windrip establishes concentration camps to house his enemies, many in the country simply cannot believe the United States is falling victim to corporate fascism. They continue to believe "it can't happen here." By the time they realize it has happened here, it is too late.

Trump has praised white supremacists, neo-Nazis, and QAnon conspiracy theorists. He ordered federal police and troops to attack peaceful demonstrators so he could be photographed holding a Bible outside a Washington church. His followers have attacked synagogues and mosques, and gunned down cops. Federal agents clad in unmarked military uniforms kidnapped peaceful protesters in Portland, Ore., threw them into unmarked vehicles, and held them without just cause. Alt-Right armed militia are being allowed to patrol American streets. One of those "minutemen," a 17-year-old teenager with an illegal weapons, is now accused of murdering two people.

And still too many Americans refuse to see this country's slide into authoritarianism. They still believe "it can't happen here."

Lewis's inspiration for this book was simply the time in which it was written. In the 1930s, the United States was still recovering from the Great Depression. Ninety percent of the country's wealth was owned by only three percent of the population. (Today, after 30 years of Reaganomics, only one percent of Americans own the bulk of the nation's wealth).

Dissatisfaction over the slow economic recovery spawned several populist movements, many of them pro-fascist. In 1932, a group of wealthy conservatives attempted a coup to overthrow the government and establish a fascist government. (See: American Fascists: A Forgotten History on this blog.)

Lewis doesn't spare any political movement in this book. He views any strongly held belief system, political or religious, as potentially authoritarian. All it takes is a populace too wrapped up in their own lives to not recognize what's happening about them, or not caring what's happening as long as it doesn't happen to them.

There is no happy ending to this book. There is no great uprising of patriots; many of those who most loudly proclaimed their patriotism in the beginning of the book end up in the MMs or working for Windrip, just as the Republican Party—which initially opposed Trump's candidacy—is now his greatest enabler.

 Far more than Orwell's 1984 or Huxley's Brave New World, It Can't Happen Here is a cautionary tale  all Americans should be reading—and heeding—today.

Ayn Rand's Corrosive Influence on American Politics

The three and a half years he’s been in the White House, Donald Trump has shown himself to be a greedy, self-involved, narcissistic, sociopath. At the same time, Republican leadership in the U.S. Senate to be of like mind with Trump. It’s not difficult to understand why; their brand of political conservatism is, at its heart, sociopathic.

But the true inspiration behind their hard-edged conservatism is neither Pinochet nor Friedman, but a mediocre, early 20th century novelist and self-proclaimed philosopher named Ayn Rand. Rand’s brand of social Objectivism has been the center of extreme right philosophy. GOP Senator Rand Paul, along with his former Republican congressman father, Ron Paul, are hard-core adherents to Ayn Rand’s philosophy. Her belief system was also behind the Tea Party movement.

Her novel, The Fountainhead, is one of the few books Trump said he enjoyed reading. When he became president, Trump proclaimed he would appoint Rand acolytes to cabinet posts. One of those, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, told the Washington Post, “One of the very first serious books I read when I was growing up was Atlas Shrugged, and it really had an impact on me.” Pompeo is said to be currently facing multiple internal corruption probes.

The problem is, Ayn Rand’s philosophy and writing are sociopathic.

The Russian-born Rand has been poisoning the minds of self-absorbed adolescents for decades with her philosophy of the individual as the center of the universe. That philosophy holds well with high schoolers who truly believe the universe revolves around them. Most people say adieu to Rand and her rants as they mature. Those that don’t become sociopaths— as Rand was herself.

The terrorist-hero of The
Fountain was based on a
real-life psychopathic killer.

Had she ever laid herself on a psychiatrist’s couch, Rand no doubt would have been diagnosed as sociopathic. Throughout her life, Rand—like the heroes in her best-known books, The Fountainhead and Atlas Shrugged—believed whatever was good for her was right. She once wrote the basis of her philosophy stemmed from her childhood in post-Revolution Russia when her parents refused to buy her a dress she wanted or give her a cup of tea like the grown-ups were drinking. She believed if she wanted something, she should have it. It is said she once took money that her family needed for food to buy tickets to the theater.

Rand was so enamored with the idea of the unfettered self, she developed an infatuation with the notorious psychopathic serial killer, William Edward Hickman. In 1928, Hickman kidnapped his last victim, a 12-year-old girl, and held her for ransom. When the girl’s father paid the ransom, Hickman dumped the girl’s eviscerated and dismembered body in the street. At the time, it was considered one of the greatest crimes of the century.

Psychopathic 'Superman'

Ayn Rand felt otherwise.

In her notebooks, Rand wrote admiringly of Hickman. “Other people do not exist for him, and he does not see why they should,” she wrote. She added, using words eerily prescient of what the Nazis would be saying a few years hence, that Hickman had “no regard whatsoever for all that society holds sacred, and with a consciousness all his own. He has the true, innate psychology of a Superman. He can never realize and feel ‘other people.’”

Hickman, who was executed in 1928, became the model for Rand’s Fountainhead hero, Howard Roark, a self-absorbed architect who wins a woman’s devotion by raping her, and ends up committing an act of terrorism—blowing up the Fountainhead building—because he didn’t get his way.

Howard Roark, like his real-life model, was one sick puppy.

Rand’s self-proclaimed Objectivism philosophy basically says man makes his own reality. Whatever he determines to be, is. Evidence of how wide-spread this narcissistic philosophy is among the extreme right of the Republican Party was seen when Karl Rove, then chief advisor to President George Bush, told journalist Ron Susskind, “we create our own reality … we’ll act again, creating other new realities.”

Former GOP House speaker Paul Ryan, also an Ayn Rand fan, carried that same philosophy to the podium at the 2012 Republican Convention when, as Mitt Romney’s running mate, he delivered a diatribe on the Obama administration that was so separated from reality that even Fox News criticized its lies.

Kindred Spirits

Ryan, in fact, has a lot in common with Rand. Like her, Ryan likes to bite the hand that fed him. Ryan, youngest son of an upper middle-class family, received Social Security survivors’ benefits after his attorney father died of a heart attack. Since his family didn’t need those benefits to survive on, Ryan stuffed them away and used them to pay for his college education. Later he advocated doing away with Social Security for those who do need it.

Ryan's home in Wisconsin was declared a national historic site, meaning the Ryan family receives a taxpayer subsidy to maintain it. Since graduating from college, Ryan drew a government paycheck, first as a congressional aid, then as a congressman. Now retired from Congress, Ryan continues to collect a government pension and tax-payer subsidized health care.

Ayn Rand, too, took advantage of a government-sponsored education in the Soviet Union, and then turned against the system as soon as it no longer benefited her. She was the beneficiary of many government programs in the United States, as well. When her first play abruptly closed in 1938, the Works Progress Administration took it on a nationwide tour and paid Rand a weekly salary. In her old age, Rand regularly criticized those living on Social Security, even though she was receiving Social Security benefits under a married name.

Like Trump, Ayn Rand was an amoral, narcissistic, sociopath, and her poisoned pen continues taint American political thought and corrupt American political morals.

_____________________

UPDATE (July 8, 2020): Like the woman whose juvenile rhetoric they advocate, the Ayn Rand Institute admitted on July 7 that it had received up to $1 million in forgivable loans from the Paycheck Protection Program approved by Congress to help businesses during the Covid-19 crisis. The institute, which continues Rand's criticism of government welfare of any kind, used twisted logic to rationalized why it took the bailout. Apparently it isn't enough for the institute to keep Rand's childish philosophy of greed and selfishness alive, they also follow her hypocrisy, too.

 

For further reading:

Trump Administration Embraces Ayn Rand's Disdain for the Masses

US Republican leaders love Ayn Rand

The new age of Ayn Rand: how she won over Trump and Silicon Valley

Ayn Rand-acolyte Donald Trump stacks his cabinet with fellow objectivists

Romancing the Stone-Cold Killer: Ayn Rand and William Hickman

‘We Took PPP Funds and Would Do It Again’

In sign of the times, Ayn Rand Institute approved for PPP loan

Class Warfare, Slavery and Company Towns

"There’s class warfare, all right, but it’s my class, the rich class, that’s making war, and we’re winning.” 

– Multi-millionaire Warren Buffet

Listening to GOP leaders, one might think the Democrats were waging nuclear class warfare. Because progressive Dems wants the richest one percent of Americans to pay their fair share in taxes, multi-millionaires Mitt Romney and Newt Gingrich, along with their cohorts in Congress, want Americans to think the Democrats are preaching the “politics of envy.”

Nothing is further from the truth. The fact is the Republicans have been waging a vicious, no-holds-bar war against the American worker for the past 30 years, since the election of their vaunted leader, Ronald Reagan.

Company scrip token.
Photo: Jerry Adams

In school, we are taught that America is the Land of Opportunity. America, in fact, has been the Land of Opportunity for many years of its existence – for some. In the 1700 and 1800s, yes, migrants from Europe had a chance to make something of themselves – assuming you weren’t Irish or Italian. God help you if you were Chinese – or African.

Even though slavery supposedly ended after the Civil War with the adoption of the 13^th Amendment, involuntary servitude did, in fact, continue in this country in the form of the truck system. Under the truck system, workers were paid in company scrip rather than real money. That scrip could only be used in company-owned stores to buy over-priced goods, or to pay excessive rent in company-owned housing in what came to be called “company towns.”

Also known as debt bondage, the truck system resulted in workers becoming indebted to the very companies they worked for, forcing them to stay in the company’s employ to pay off their debt. This, the companies contended, produced employee “loyalty.” Workers felt otherwise, as Tennessee Ernie Ford lamented when he sang:

“Load sixteen tons and what do you get?

Another day older and deeper in debt.

St. Peter don’t you call me, ‘cause I can’t go.

I owe my soul to the company store.”

The truck system was ruled slavery by the U.S Supreme Court in the early 1900s, but the concept hasn’t died. In 2008, Wal-Mart’s Mexican subsidiary was blocked by the Mexican Supreme Court of Justice for trying to pay its employees, in part, with company vouchers. The Mexican court ruled the vouchers were scrip, and in violation of Mexico’s prohibition of the truck system.

Debt Bondage Today

The concept of debt bondage hasn’t died in the United States either. One of the foundations the Founding Fathers conceived for this country was accessible higher education for its citizens. Thomas Jefferson’s pride in creating the tuition-free University of Virginia in 1819 surpassed his pride in being the third president of the United States. So much so, he made sure the epitaph on his head stone after he died would identify him as the author of the Declaration of Independence and the founder of the University of Virginia.

Today, the idea of a free college education is merely a memory for those of us old enough to remember what the education system of this country was like before Ronald Reagan was elected governor of California and, after destroying that state’s education system, being elected to the U.S. presidency to do the same nationwide. These days college graduates are so deeply in debt, they are largely incapable of movement up the class ladder – unless they happen to be another George W. Bush or Mitt Romney.

Keeping Americans in debt – and under control – has been the battle plan for conservative politicians of both parties and their oligarch overlords for the past 30 years. During that time, labor union membership – the greatest way to level the economic playing board – has declined as much as 30 percent, thanks to Reagan’s war on labor and GOP legislation making it harder to recruit members. That continues today with the anti-labor legislation being seen in states like today’s Walkerstan (Wisconsin) and Kasichstan (Ohio), where Tea Party governors and legislatures are passing repressive anti-middle-class measures.

Republicans would like you to believe that capitalism is synonymous with freedom. It isn’t. Recent history is rife with authoritarian governments ruling over capitalistic systems – Argentina under Peron, Spain under Franco, the Philippines under Marcos, Italy under Mussolini and, last but not least, Germany under Hitler. In each case, these dictators were put in power by industrialists and financiers. After all, fascism by definition is an authoritarian form of capitalism. For that matter, many economists argue that communism is simply a form of state capitalism.

Contrary to what many have been taught, capitalism is not synonymous with free enterprise and a free market place. Free enterprise is the provision of a service or product in exchange for a price. Capitalism is simply the accumulation of wealth and the power it brings.

To be truly successful, free enterprise requires two things, the free movement of money and a level playing field. Money is like blood to the economic body; if it doesn’t flow freely, the body dies. When the bulk of the wealth of a country is held by a small percentage of individuals – as it is in this country today – it doesn’t flow freely and the economy stagnates, contracts and dies, at least for the rest of us.

Taxation stimulates the excessively wealthy to spend their money through investment in new companies and the workforce. Taxes force the wealthy to convert the form of their wealth from offshore accounts to U.S. holdings, circulating that money through the economic body. Taxes paid to the government are reinvested in public infrastructure and public services, further encouraging the circulation of wealth.

A Level Playing Field

Along with circulating wealth, free enterprise requires a level playing field to allow those with enterprising abilities to rise to well-deserved levels of success. That can only be done by legislation that prohibits the kind of Mitt Romney vulture capitalism that destroys U.S. companies for the sake of short term benefits; legislation that prohibits exporting U.S. jobs for the same reason; legislation that regulates the business environment so predator corporations can’t wantonly destroy their competitors to establish anti-competitive trusts.

Yet for 30 years, Republicans and conservative Democrats have pushed through legislation that has torn middle class and worker rights to shreds, gave tax breaks to corporations that shipped U.S. jobs abroad, destroyed true competition, and left the burden of paying off the national debt that quadrupled under Reagan and Bush Jr. on the middle class.

Over the past 30 years, American wages have declined roughly a percentage point each year, while the wealth of the richest Americans – people like Romney – has grown exponentially. Republicans say the middle class has to carry the brunt of the tax burden because taxing the wealthy – the so-called “job creators” – would cost the country jobs.

That, as I’ve said, is nonsense. The economic engine of this country is small business, the mom and pops which are responsible for 95 percent of this county’s job growth. In other words, large corporations and mega-naires don’t have that much impact on the economy.

Don’t believe that? Then ask yourself this: George W. Bush and his Republican-controlled Congress gave every tax break they could to Big Business and the rich, yet the Bush administration was already suffering a net loss of millions of American jobs long before the recession hit us in 2007.

If high taxes destroyed jobs, then Germany, with Europe’s highest taxes, should have the Continent’s highest unemployment rates instead of its lowest. In fact, German unemployment is lower than any other industrialized nation. On the other hand, every European country that adopted neo-conservative “trickle down” tax policies is now experiencing extremely high unemployment rates and economic collapse.

In fact, when one looks at taxation vs. employment among industrialized nations, there is a distinct converse relationship – the higher the tax rate, the lower the unemployment. The United States, with one of the lowest tax rates in the world, also has one of the highest unemployment rates.

What more do Americans need to understand that they are, and have been, engaged in class warfare for three decades? And as Warren Buffet said, we, the middle class, are losing.